Posted tagged ‘vietnam’

“From the Lion’s Den: An Open Letter (and Invitation) to Vietnam Veterans”

30/04/2013

What America owes Vietnam it can never repay, though there are many Americans in the U.S. and Vietnam today, including veterans, who are striving mightily and in myriad ways to contribute to the physical and spiritual healing process

The “Nam,” as some of you still think of it, this country of your dreams and your nightmares, this place in time and mind that will forever be a part of you psychologically, spiritually and, in some cases, physically, survived everything our country threw at it. The story of Việt Nam is one of the great and glorious sagas of history, a nation that exemplifies in nearly ideal terms the resilience, courage, and strength of the human spirit.

So come (back), be ennobled, uplifted and, quite possibly, transformed. The moment you step off the plane you will begin to experience the “new history” that is Vietnam today; your old memories will be overlaid with new ones. Vietnam and its people may even cast their spell on you and inspire you to join your fellow veterans in the U.S. and in-country who are working alongside Vietnamese colleagues to help mitigate the impact of war legacies.

Click here to read the rest of this 29 April 2013 Huffington Post essay.

MAA

WES Webinar: An Overview of Education in Vietnam

05/04/2013

World Education Services (WES) is organizing a webinar on 7 June entitled An Overview of Education in Vietnam.  WES is a  New York City-based not-for-profit organization specializing in foreign credential evaluation and ”the leading source of international education intelligence,” according to its website.

WES educatorsBanner

In April 2011, representatives from over 60 U.S. colleges and universities participated in a week-long tour of Vietnam and Indonesia as part of the Obama administration’s initiative to multiply U.S. exports, including higher education, over the next five years. As Vietnam experiences a rapid economic growth, second only to China, college applications from Vietnam have appeared in admissions offices across the U.S. in increasing numbers. This webinar will feature an overview of the system of education, institution recognition, grading scales, and degree requirements, as well as demonstrate the WES methodology when authenticating academic credentials from Vietnam.

Date: Friday, June 7, 2013
Time: 2:00 – 3:00 PM EDT
Registration Cost: FREE
Contact:  kre[AT]wes.org

There will be ample time afforded for discussion and questions.  All registrants will receive a hyperlink to the recorded session, as well as a PDF version of the presentation and sample documents. Space is limited. If event capacity is reached, you may be added to a wait list.

Registration is limited to participants representing colleges or universities.

The Double-Edged Sword That Is US Higher Education

27/03/2013

TDT logoI was recently invited by Madame Ton Nu Thi Ninh, President of the Tri Viet Institute for International Studies and Exchange within Ton Duc Thang University and Senior Advisor to the President of TDT  University, to speak to interested students, faculty and staff about US higher education in comparative perspective with an implicit focus on Vietnam. 

As with people, every country has characteristics and features that are worthy of emulation and those that are not, especially in other countries that have very different histories, political systems, etc.  The US, including its higher education system, is no exception.  This was the theme of my presentation to over 150 members of the TDT University community.  In addition to the presentation, I participated in a brief dialogue with Mme Ninh and engaged in a lively discussion with the audience. 

To me, it seems a dreadful indignity to have a soul controlled by geography.  (George Santayana)

mark at podium2 (resized)

Making a point.

So that the audience would know where I’m coming from, figuratively speaking, I began my remarks with this description of perspective:  I carry a US passport but it doesn’t define me.  Below is an outline of my presentation, which was given in English and Vietnamese.  The “distinguishing features” included size=choice, diversity, mass education, quality, cost, transferability of credits and portability of credentials and internationalization. I concluded with some comments about US Higher Ed as a Cautionary Tale (i.e., negative role model), US Higher Ed as a Source of Inspiration (i.e., positive role model) and the implications of overseas study for Vietnam.

  • Distinguishing Features of US Higher Education
  • US Higher Ed as a Cautionary Tale (i.e., negative role model): e.g., high cost, student loan debt ($966 billion as of 12/12 with average debt of $34,703); the challenge of creating global citizens in a nation in which the majority of its citizens are nationalists, too many colleges and universities = duplication, overlap and inefficiency, unaccredited schools/rogue  providers (“The US exports some of the world’s best and worst higher education.”), etc. 
  • US Higher Ed as a Source of Inspiration (i.e., positive role model):   system of accreditation, many schools and programs that meet the needs of a variety of learners, flexibility (seamless transfer and transition), gen ed requirements and the philosophy behind them, philanthropy, private=non-profit
  • Vietnamese Students & Overseas Study:  What Does It All Mean? (i.e., implications)

Q & A

maa with mme ninh (resized)

There were some excellent questions from the audience.  One student asked how to select US graduate programs and another, who happens to follow this blog, asked me why I had removed one unaccredited US school from my list of such schools.  Answer:  because the president informed me that her “university” is no longer recruiting in Vietnam.  (The list consists of US-based rogue providers operating here.)  Yet another student asked me about my impressions of Vietnamese students:  are hard working, dedicated, have initiative, are involved in meaningful extracurricular activities, etc. 

The last question was from a young Vietnamese woman who had studied at one of America’s finest (and most expensive) universities.  It was about how US higher education offers so many opportunities for students to broaden their personal and academic horizons and how this system could be replicated in Vietnam.  Where to begin?  An entire workshop could be devoted to these issues.  The answer would involve history, starting points, extenuating circumstances, funding, policy, etc.  I’m reminded of something an expat friend who runs a high-tech company here has said on more than one occasion, and I’m paraphrasing here:  Vietnamese universities have done rather well with the resources that they have

Article & Backgrounder

Here is an article in Vietnamese that was posted on the TDT University website:  Viện liên kết và trao đổi quốc tế Trí Việt tổ chức buổi Tọa đàm chuyên đề “Tổng quan về Hệ thống giáo dục đại học Hoa Kỳ” (Tri Viet Institute for International Studies and Exchange Holds a Seminar on “An Overview of the Higher Education System of the United States”). 

If I were to select a backgrounder for this talk, this post from April 2012 would be it:  Counterpoint: A US American’s Critique of a Harvard Position Paper (and More) – Countries as Role Models:  A Double-Edged Sword (aka Yes, No, It Depends)

MAA

Hagel Hearings & The Vietnam War/Kill Anything That Moves (KATM)

15/02/2013
With a few salvaged belongings in the background, a Vietnamese woman carries a baby and pulls her daughter away as their home erupts in flames in July 1963. The woman and children may have been left behind so as not to slow other villagers escaping into the jungle. (AP Photo/Horst Faas) Source:  http://killanythingthatmoves.tumblr.com/

With a few salvaged belongings in the background, a Vietnamese woman carries a baby and pulls her daughter away as their home erupts in flames in July 1963. The woman and children may have been left behind so as not to slow other villagers escaping into the jungle. (AP Photo/Horst Faas)
Source: http://killanythingthatmoves.tumblr.com/

Below is another Vietnam Studies Group exchange about Nick Turse’s new book Kill Anything That Moves:  The Real American War in Vietnam (KATM).  I responded to a colleague from the University of Arizona whose main criticisms are that Turse ”tells us nothing new” and that he commits a sin of omission by excluding information that contradicts this colleague’s theory – hypothesis – argument.  Here’s the article by Nick Turse that launched this thread:  The Hagel Hearings  – The Last Best Chance for the Truth About a Lost War and America’s War-Making Future.  As always, read from the bottom up. 

From: markashwill[AT]hotmail.com
To: vsg[AT]u.washington.edu
 Subject: RE: [Vsg] Hagel Hearings & The Vietnam War/Kill Anything That Moves (KATM)
Date: Mon, 4 Feb 2013 06:44:44 -0500I was about to hit send when Christina’s excellent review and analysis arrived in my inbox. I believe that she addresses most of the criticisms leveled against Nick Turse and KATM by some VSGers, including Ben. Some comments about his post:

Nothing New to Whom?

You’ve read enough of Turse’s book “to conclude that he tells us nothing new”? Who is “us”? What Nick Turse tells his fellow Americans and the rest of the world is breaking news to most of them. Most are not VN scholars who have “read hundreds of books and thousands of primary documents…” Most don’t have the breadth and depth of knowledge and experience that you and some others on this list have.

The Fallacy of Generalizing from Personal Experience

Turse does NOT claim that every US combat soldier was a war criminal who was out raping, torturing and killing civilians. I know many veterans like your father who, if they didn’t know before, quickly realized after they arrived that the war was a huge mistake. From that point on their goal was to stay alive and not go home in a body bag. There were many others, however, who were involved in the wholesale abuse and murder of civilians.

Groundless Criticism

About what he supposedly left out: Why don’t you reread the description on Amazon, the reviews, or whatever part(s) of the book you read? It’s about war crimes committed by US soldiers in VN as a frequent occurrence and the policies/conditions that led to those war crimes being committed. Turse proves it using USG documents and stories from US veterans and survivors here. It was widespread and officially sanctioned. Therefore, you really have no basis on which to criticize him for not including everything you wanted him to include. Why don’t you write a book that includes everything Nick Turse left out, in your opinion, that “contradicts his theory/hypothesis/argument”? It wouldn’t be the first.

The True Place the American War Holds in the Memory of South Vietnamese vs. North Vietnamese? It Ain’t that Simple…

Finally, regarding your point about the “true place the American War holds in the memory of the South Vietnamese” and how it is “quite often much different than that in the memory of the Hanoian?” – To which South Vietnamese are you referring? The ones who hitched their cart to the American (war) horse? The ones who benefited financially and in other ways from the US occupation and the influx of billions of dollars? The ones who left in the nick of time with the assistance of their American benefactors? Or the ones Nick Turse writes about – the targets of bombs, bullets, torture and other forms of abuse, the ghosts and the survivors?

MAA
Hanoi

——————————————————————————–
From: bquick@
Date: Thu, 31 Jan 2013 23:46:07 -0700
 Subject: Re: [Vsg] Hagel Hearings & The Vietnam War
To: vsg[AT]u.washington.edu

Having a father who served as an E5 in the Tay Ninh region in 1970, I cannot plead objectivity in this matter. Given that, I can say I’ve read hundreds of books and thousands of primary documents, compared official stories to rumors, spent time with Vietnamese from Trang Bang to Ben Cui to Dau Tieng to the crest of Nui Ba Den and on up into the former DMZ all the way up to Ha Noi. I’ve interviewed my father, who spent the better part of his tour simply trying to keep his squad away from what he came to see as worthless fighting and rarely saw Vietnamese civilians, VC, NVA, or even ARVN troops. When they were dropped into Cambodia, they neither raped nor pillaged. They found bunkers, took inventory, blew them up, and were generally in more danger from friendly fire than anything else. They walked into occasional ambushes and were shot by snipers here and there, but their reaction–at least my father’s–was to blame the lifers and slink farther away from the fighting each time they walked back into the jungle on s and d missions.

I’ve read enough of Turse’s book to conclude that he tells us nothing new. And in fact, he leaves out–I have to imagine intentionally–most anything that contradicts his theory? Hypothesis? Argument? Like too much scholarship these days, what I see in Turse’s book is a string of anecdotes. Anyone can throw together a string of anecdotes to prove a point. But what is the question? Do these anecdotes help him or his readers come to a deeper understanding? Does Kill Anything that Moves really tell us anything Four Hours in My Lai does not? Is anyone unfamiliar with the Phoenix Program or the consequences of the “Body Count” policy likely to read this book? If so, what are they likely to retain? Knowledge of the consequences of emotionless decisions made by millionaires in suits or the more shocking images of GIs running like savages through villages, raping and torturing everything in sight? Will they know what it means that the vast majority of civilian deaths were caused by the bombing of cities like Ha Noi and Hai Phong from B-52s thousands of feet in the air? Will the casual reader come away knowing that relations between American men and Vietnamese women involved more than rape? That Sai Gon was more than a brothel of trafficked women serving American REMFs? Will they learn the true place the American War holds in the memory of the South Vietnamese, and that this place is quite often much different than that in the memory of the Hanoian?

I wonder.
 
Ben Quick

University of Arizona

Calling a Spade a Spade: Stanley Karnow, Stanley McChrystal & Vietnam

03/02/2013

vsg bannerBelow is a recent exchange on the Vietnam Studies Group (VSG) listserv.  Members include Vietnam scholars and practitioners, current and former diplomats and spooks (“agents or people involved in espionage”), journalists, non-governmental (NGO) organization staff, etc.  Quite a few are overseas Vietnamese (Việt kiều). 

Read from the bottom up.  Bernard Kalb, the journalist and former US State Department spokesman during the Reagan Administration, shares a story about a 2009 telephone  conversation Stanley Karnow had with Stanley McChrystal, then Commander, International Security Assistance Force and Commander, U.S. Forces Afghanistan.  McChrystal asked Karnow if there was anything we (Americans) learned in Vietnam that “we” can use in Afghanistan.  Karnow’s reply:  What we learned is we never should have been there in the first place.

From: markashwill@hotmail.com
To: vsg@u.washington.edu
Subject: RE: [Vsg] stanley karnow!
Date: Wed, 30 Jan 2013 08:14:42 -0500

Karnow’s response to McChrystal pretty much sums it up. Had the US not scuttled the Geneva Accords, picked up where the French left off, bankrolled yet another client state, subverted the will of the electorate (I believe it was none other than Ike who said HCM would have received 80% of the vote in a 1956 election) and delayed the inevitable unification of VN, millions would still be alive, many of you would be in a different line of work and many others would still be in Vietnam. (Regarding the last point, read – or reread – Linh Dinh’s 2010 essay House Slave Syndrome.) There would not have been an American War in Vietnam that for some is a “subject of study” (Pierre A.), for some a “cause,” and for others both. And, of course, Vietnam and SE Asia would be very different places today.

Official America “repeats the past” not because it can’t remember it, to quote from George Santayana’s dictum, but because the past doesn’t conform to the precepts of missionary nationalism. Andrew Bacevich addresses this point succinctly in The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism: “Humility imposes an obligation of a different sort. It summons Americans to see themselves without blinders. The enemy of humility is sanctimony, which gives rise to the conviction that American values and beliefs are universal and that the nation itself serves providentially assigned purposes. This conviction finds expression in a determination to remake the world in what we imagine to be America’s image.” The USG chooses, again and again, in spite of the inestimable cost in human life, suffering, damage to flora and fauna, and money, to embrace sanctimony over humility.

MAA
Hanoi

> From: bkalb@…

> Date: Sun, 27 Jan 2013 16:33:32 -0500
> To: vietnam-old-hacks@googlegroups.com
> CC: vsg@u.washington.edu
> Subject: [Vsg] stanley karnow!
>
> VSGers:
>
> tough one, this one, to share the word that we’ve just lost one of the best–stanley karnow, off on his last assignment this morning, a cple months short of his 88th birthday; in nearby potomac, md. my best companero, stanley, for decades, ever since we first met in seasia back in the late 50s; he with TIME then and going on to write book after book, including his definitive VIETNAM–plus the 13-part VIETNAM: a television series, on PBS in the 80s. plus a book on china, on paris, a pulitzer prize winner on the philippines, in 1990. was writing his memoirs when….
>
> only vignette i’ll add here–which stanley told me about after he’d recd a surprise phone call from general mccrystall when top commander in afghanistan, the general asking whether stanley, to quote a few sentences as published in the washington beacon, march 2010, had learned anything in vn that cld be of use in afghanistan. “well, i didn’t have a long conversation with him, but i did say if we’re going to talk about vn, what we really learned in vn is that we shldn’t have been there in the first place.”
>
> you’ll be reading more abt stanley in the next few days as the vignettes and stories mount skywards.
>
> bernardo

Winning the Hearts & Minds of Young Vietnamese

22/01/2013

Note:  If you’re an employee of the US State Department, do not pass go, do not collect $200, close this tab immediately.  This post contains a “sensitive” Wikileaks cable that originated in the US Embassy-Hanoi and commentary on the same.  If you read it, you are breaking the law, not to mention disobeying  Madam Secretary. 

Please pardon the use of this nasty wartime slogan but it is so apropos.  This post and the Wikileaks diplomatic cable on which it’s based are about the US Mission’s charm offensive and the use of educational outreach activities designed to “win the hearts and minds” of young people here.  Ultimate goal?  To become the most popular kid on the block and to maximize American influence on Vietnam’s educational system and thus on the future shape of Vietnamese society.

The cable below is worth reprinting in its entirety.  The date:  Three years ago today.  The scene: the American Center in the Rose Garden Annex of the US Embassy in Hanoi.  The context: a “wide-ranging discussion” following the airing of the Secretary’s speech on internet freedom.  The underlying assumption of this type of interaction between Embassy officials and young Vietnamese – with the requisite rhetorical questions and predetermined outcomes – is  that the American Way is the Best Way.  On a micro-level it’s yet another example of do as we say, not as we do.

It’s also a crystal clear example of an American Center event as an exercise in soft power and is completely consistent with other outreach activities of the US Mission in Vietnam, albeit more explicitly political.   At many of these events you can be sure that a US Mission staff member is assiduously taking notes, some of which find their way into cables to other missions and Foggy Bottom (i.e., the State Department in Washington, D.C.).

The American Center

What is the American Center? It’s a “free information center providing specialized, accurate and authoritative information and programming on the United States for the Vietnamese public.”  Well, not exactly “authoritative information.”  It is, after all, a component of the USG’s public diplomacy mission – whose goal is to ensure that Vietnamese (and other foreigners) see mainly the good, not the bad and ugly, of America.  (There’s also an American Center in the US Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City.) 

It’s not exactly what Sen. J. William Fulbright had in mind when he proposed the creation of what has become the U.S. government’s flagship scholarship program. Fulbright once said about the objectives of educational exchange: “Its purpose is to acquaint Americans with the world as it is and to acquaint students and scholars from many lands with America as it is–not as we wish it were or as we might wish foreigners to see it, but exactly as it is — which by my reckoning is an ‘image’ of which no American need be ashamed.”  (From the foreword to The Fulbright Program: A History)

Do As We Say, Not as We Do (aka A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing?)

Given the US government’s many human rights violations in the post-World War II era, including the years since 9/11 (think torture, extraordinary rendition aka “torture by proxy,” the murder of civilians in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan, ad nauseum), I find it ironic that a “Human Rights Officer” led the discussion.  It reminds me of the expression “those in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones.”  A lot of glass was broken that January afternoon back in 2010.  As a  friend put it. “Where’s America’s moral ground regarding human rights?  Our President has assumed the right to murder anyone anywhere in the world at his whim.  And he’s done it, leaked to the press the ‘kill list’ he keeps in the White House, brags about it.”

Only If We Agree With What They Say

Or, as Peter Van Buren, the State Department whistleblower (and, coincidentally, former head of the Educational information Branch and director of Education USA at the U.S. Department of State) who worked for a year at a forward operating base in Iraq and wrote a book about his experience, put it: ‎”Better, so the message goes, to sip the Kool Aid and keep one’s head down, while praising the courage of Chinese dissidents and Egyptian bloggers. The State Department is all about wanting its words, not its actions, to speak loudest.”  Hy·poc·ri·sy (noun) \hi-ˈpä-krə-sē also hī-\:  a feigning to be what one is not or to believe what one does not.

Mr. Van Buren’s price for becoming a whistleblower?  As he wrote in Left Behind: What We Lost in Iraq and Washington, 2009-2012 “My case also illustrates the crude use of ‘national security’ as a tool within government to silence dissent. State’s Diplomatic Security office, its internal Stasi, monitored my home email and web usage for months, used computer forensics to spelunk for something naughty in my online world, placed me on a Secret Service Threat Watch list, examined my finances, and used hacker tools to vacuum up my droppings around the web — all, by the way, at an unknown cost to the taxpayers. Diplomatic Security even sent an agent around to interview my neighbors, fishing for something to use against me in a full-spectrum deep dive into my life, using the new tools and power available to government not to stop terrorists, but to stop me.”

Or, as Glenn Greenwald put it in a recent article about the detention of Imran Khan, the most popular politician in Pakistan, a vocal critic of US drone strikes and possibly that country’s next prime minister, with party’s supporters   “What makes this most ironic is that the US loves to sermonize to the world about the need for open ideas and political debate. In April, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton lectured the planet on how ‘those societies that believe they can be closed to change, to ideas, cultures, and beliefs that are different from theirs, will find quickly that in our internet world they will be left behind.’”

But I digress – sort of.  And now for the main event, the 2010 Wikileaks cable entitled Many Vietnamese Youth Trust Big Brother to Monitor the Internet.  As with many diplomatic cables, this one received wide distribution, including the US Embassy in Beijing, Bangkok, Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur, Phnom Penh, Rangoon, Seoul, Singapore, Taipei, and Vientiane, as well as the US Consulate General in Chengdu, Guangzhou, Ho Chi Minh City, Shanghai, and Shenyang, in addition to the Secretary of State in Washington, D.C.

Stay tuned for more commentary and analysis about education-related Wikileaks cables from the US Embassy-Hanoi and Consulate General-HCMC in Vietnam.  There aren’t many but they sure are interesting and revealing.

MAA

P.S.:  Speaking of free speech, American-style, can you guess, dear reader, how long a link to Peter Van Buren’s blog would last on any US Mission-Vietnam Facebook page?  Or whether his book We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People has found an honored place on the shelves of either American Center library?  I thought so…  The “open society” has its limits.

——————————————————————————————————————————-

REF: A: STATE 4203; B: 09 HANOI 909

UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY  Embassy Hanoi

R 270328Z JAN 10

SENSITIVE

¶1.  (SBU) Summary: During a wide-ranging discussion at the American Center in Hanoi following the airing of the Secretary’s speech on internet freedom (Ref A) several participants parroted the Party line that the internet could be used to spread information that is harmful to Vietnamese society and should therefore be blocked.

Others, however, offered a contrary view, complaining that there is no true freedom of speech in Vietnam. A similar range of views were expressed on the broader topic of the media, with some participants supporting some degree of government censorship in the name of social order and others voicing frustration at the lack of press freedom.  Most participants agreed that censorship of social networking and foreign news sites is wrong and expressed disbelief that the government would read their private e-mail orrespondence.

“The line between freedom and censorship is always moving in Vietnam,” one participant noted. Most participants said they had access to high-speed internet at home and spend an average of 3-5 hours a day online. End Summary.

¶2.  (SBU) On Friday January 22, approximately 40 Vietnamese young people (ranging between the ages 20-30) gathered at the American Center in Hanoi to watch clips from the Secretary’s speech on Internet Freedom and discuss how the topic related specifically to Vietnam. After showing about 30 minutes of the speech, including a number of segments critical of Vietnam, the Embassy’s Human Rights Officer led a discussion about the role of the internet in the lives of Vietnamese youth and what involvement — if any — the government should have in monitoring and censoring its content.

¶3.  (SBU) Expecting the audience to be reserved and hesitant to comment on such a sensitive topic, Poloff began with a series of questions relating to internet access and common web activities.  Most of the audience said that they have high-speed ADSL connections in their homes. Those who don’t rely on internet cafes and their college campuses to go online. The majority of the audience said they have g-mail or yahoo e-mail addresses and spend an average of three to five hours a day online chatting with friends, e-mailing, gaming, catching up on pop culture, and blogging.

¶3.  (SBU) Participants offered various opinions as to why Facebook remained blocked in Vietnam (Ref B). Some blamed “technical difficulties,” while others acknowledged that the government was likely the source of the problem. All participants expressed dissatisfaction with the current situation, and noted that they use work-arounds to maintain their Facebook pages.  The participants were nearly unanimous that they would not to convert from Facebook to locally hosted social networking tools like zing.com; many laughed at the prospect. (Note: At the start of the event, there was a small celebration to commemorate the American Center’s Facebook page exceeding the mark of 1,000 fans in just over a month’s time. The speed of reaching 1,000 fans is notable given that the Facebook homepage has remained blocked in Vietnam throughout this time period. End Note.)

¶4.  (SBU) There was a long pause when Poloff asked what type of content should be allowed on the internet. Eventually a young man asserted that politically sensitive content and pornography should be censored, arguing that it is permissible to oppose GVN policies but not specific policymakers. Another participant added that the GVN does not have hard and fast rules on internet censorship, but that every citizen should recognize the impact their online comments could have and should therefore be “constructive.”

HANOI 00000090  002 OF 002

¶5.  (SBU) Another young man offered a dissenting opinion, however, arguing that because the government controls all forms of  media, Vietnam’s citizens don’t have the chance to raise their voices. “I am very frustrated,” he continued, lamenting that “We are all missing out on good opportunities.”  He specifically asked what the U.S. Embassy could do to “improve the situation.” Poloff noted the Department organizes public discussion sessions and also works behind the scenes in meetings such as the annual Human Rights Dialogue with Vietnam to raise its concerns related to free speech.

A third young participant countered that most Vietnamese are easy going and very satisfied with life as provided by the government, which ranks as one of the highest in the world. Vietnam’s government, he insisted — becoming less laid back — does not limit the voice of its people; rather, some people “abuse their rights” and are threats to the government that the government is correct to suppress. Still another participant cautioned that “chaos” would ensue if people were allowed to openly criticize the government.  “Change should happen slowly,” he averred, adding that freedom of speech should be “restricted sometimes.” Another individual commented that the line between censorship and internet freedom is not fixed, insisting with disapproval that it is “OK in the U.S. to slander another person and post pornography on the internet.”

¶6.  (SBU) Poloff pushed the participants on this point, asking whether it was permissible to voice opposition to GVN economic policies and whether the government should be allowed to read personal e-mail or text messages. Most bristled at the idea of the Government blocking news sites and blogs that do not comment on political news and reading their private messages. Many expressed shock when Poloff said that the Government of China routinely blocks internet sites such as Facebook, Youtube, Twitter and the New York Times. Most participants said that Vietnam should not follow China’s example. Poloff shared the story of leading dissident Dr. Pham Hong Son, who was jailed from 2002 – 2006 for translating and posting online a State Department pamphlet entitled “What is Democracy” from the Embassy’s homepage. Most participants said they had not heard of Dr. Son, and expressed disbelief that he would imprisoned for such an activity.

¶7.  (SBU) Comment: The fact that such a wide-ranging discussion occurred, following the airing of a speech at times critical of the GVN’s actions, is notable in itself. While participants articulated a variety of opinions, all said that they depend on the internet to remain in touch with the larger world.  While several vocal participants proclaimed that they had no problem with the government censoring political content, most expressed apprehension when confronted with more specific questions about the government’s role in censoring news media and personal blogging and rejected as illegitimate the notion that security services could be reading their own e-mails.  Most participants acknowledged the importance of a free media in fighting corruption and environmental degradation. Of the quarter of the participants that offered views, the group appeared evenly divided between those who supported the Secretary’s message and those that argued in defense of Vietnam’s position. To conclude the event, PAS Officer noted that the attendees had just participated in the exercise of free speech and hoped that they would see the benefit of this type of open exchange.

Michalak

——————–

Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam

14/01/2013

KATM front jacketThis post is quite obviously NOT about education or US-Vietnam educational exchange.  It’s about history, its impact on the present, and the United States’ (in)ability to overcome its past.  The German word that describes this process, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, implies dealing with, learning from, but also overcoming the past. 

It’s about a horrible truth that Nick Turse tells his fellow citizens and the world about the murder of civilians as official policy during the American War, as it’s known in Vietnam, in Kill Anything That Moves:  The Real American War in Vietnam (KATM).  KATM, which will be released tomorrow, is unlike any book that’s ever been written about the war.  It brings to light what survivors, perpetrators and eyewitnesses know but rarely, if ever, talk about.  Below is a related excerpt from an article by Mr. Turse entitled A My Lai a Month that appeared in the 1 December 2008 issue of The Nation (the bold is mine): 

In late 1969 Seymour Hersh broke the story of the 1968 My Lai massacre, during which US troops slaughtered more than 500 civilians in Quang Ngai Province, far north of the Delta. Some months later, in May 1970, a self-described “grunt” who participated in Speedy Express wrote a confidential letter to William Westmoreland, then Army chief of staff, saying that the Ninth Division’s atrocities amounted to “a My Lay each month for over a year.” In his 1976 memoir A Soldier Reports, Westmoreland insisted, “The Army investigated every case [of possible war crimes], no matter who made the allegation,” and claimed that “none of the crimes even remotely approached the magnitude and horror of My Lai.” Yet he personally took action to quash an investigation into the large-scale atrocities described in the soldier’s letter.

I uncovered that letter and two others, each unsigned or signed only “Concerned Sergeant,” in the National Archives in 2002, in a collection of files about the sergeant’s case that had been declassified but forgotten, launching what became a years-long investigation. Records show that his allegations–of helicopter gunships mowing down noncombatants, of airstrikes on villages, of farmers gunned down in their fields while commanders pressed relentlessly for high body counts–were a source of high-level concern. A review of the letter by a Pentagon expert found his claims to be extremely plausible, and military officials tentatively identified the letter writer as George Lewis, a Purple Heart recipient who served with the Ninth Division in the Delta from June 1968 through May 1969. Yet there is no record that investigators ever contacted him. Now, through my own investigation–using material from four major collections of archival and personal papers, including confidential letters, accounts of secret Pentagon briefings, unpublished interviews with Vietnamese survivors and military officials conducted in the 1970s by Newsweek reporters, as well as fresh interviews with Ninth Division officers and enlisted personnel–I have been able to corroborate the sergeant’s horrific claims. The investigation paints a disturbing picture of civilian slaughter on a scale that indeed dwarfs My Lai, and of a cover-up at the Army’s highest levels. The killings were no accident or aberration. They were instead the result of command policies that turned wide swaths of the Mekong Delta into “free-fire zones” in a relentless effort to achieve a high body count. While the carnage in the Delta did not begin or end with Speedy Express, the operation provides a harsh new snapshot of the abject slaughter that typified US actions during the Vietnam War.

The substantiated assertion in bold forms the basis of KATM, which consists of archival research and interviews with survivors of US attacks in Vietnam and Cambodia, as well as  interviews with US veterans.  Efforts to “achieve a high body count” are summed up in this slogan on the walls of the U.S. Army’s Ninth Division helicopter headquarters during Operation Speedy Express (December 1968-May 1969):  Death is our business and business is good.

The Truth Shall Set You Free? 

If the truth can sometimes hurt, the truth revealed in KATM is excruciatingly painful and traumatic.  It is one of the reasons why PTSD afflicts so many US veterans who fought in Vietnam.  One clinical psychologist found that one in three soldiers reported killing the enemy (my italics), others found that one in five acknowledged killing a civilian; two in three handled or uncovered dead bodies, and the same number saw wounded and sick women and children they were unable to help.  (This applies to Vietnam and Iraq.) 

Most US Americans don’t have a clue as to the scale of killing carried out in their name in Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s and many don’t want to know the truth because it doesn’t mesh with the image they have of their country and its place in the world.  They obsess over the 58,000 US Americans who lost their lives and are shocked to hear about the estimated 3 million (as in 3,000,000) Vietnamese who were murdered.  (That’s the modern-day equivalent of about 22 million US Americans, in case you’re counting.)

I often ask those who have been to the “Vietnam Veterans Memorial“ in Washington, D.C. to close their eyes and imagine, just for a moment, The Wall X 50 with the inscription of 3 million Vietnamese names on it:  mothers & fathers, sons & daughters, brothers & sisters, aunts & uncles, grandmothers & grandfathers, lost generations who died at the hands of the US military and its client state, South Vietnam, which together turned large swathes of Vietnam into a charnel house.   

“…If They Learn About the Wartime Suffering of People in Vietnam, Do You Think They Will Sympathize?”

Here’s a quote from one of the many interviews that Nick Turse conducted with Vietnamese survivors of US military attacks.  It was excerpted from a 8 January 2013 article entitled “‘So Many People Died’ - The American System of Suffering, 1965-2014.”   

As I was wrapping up my interview, Pham Thang asked me about the purpose of the last hour and a half of questions I’d asked him.  Through my interpreter, I explained that most Americans knew next to nothing about Vietnamese suffering during the war and that most books written in my country on the war years ignored it.  I wanted, I told him, to offer Americans the chance to hear about the experiences of ordinary Vietnamese for the first time.
 
“If the American people know about these incidents, if they learn about the wartime suffering of people in Vietnam, do you think they will sympathize?” he asked me.
 
Soon enough, I should finally know the answer to his question.

He is, of course, referring to the reaction to KATM.  What do you think the answer(s) to Mr. Thang’s question will be, dear reader?   

Thanks to Nick Turse for telling the stories of those who perished and those who survived, and to Henry Holt (under its Metropolitan Books imprint) for publishing KATM.  While I would very much like to see this book translated into Vietnamese, I won’t hold my breath given the political sensitivities involved and less than favorable “market conditions.” 

MAA

P.S.:  Be sure to read the letters in response to The Nation article, including these two: 

To the veterans who are offended by this article, look harder. We need more scrutiny into how we were used as a military force. Most of my fellow C7 cargo pilots would be offended, no doubt, by my assertion that we laid waste to terrain and populace. The urge to conformity and mainstream honor is the greatest barrier to the truth about the Vietnam War. The abuses of military power we brought down on many innocents, who were no threat to America or the world.

and

This is more detail than I have ever seen before about Operation Speedy Express, but the basic outlines of this story have appeared in various books, all citing Kevin Buckley’s story. (I’m thinking of The First Casualty, Fire in the Lake and various books by Noam Chomsky.) But it goes completely unmentioned in many books on the Vietnam War. It’s amazing that people think we live in a self-critical society, when an atrocity like this can remain unknown to the vast majority of Americans for forty years, even though the basic facts are available if you happen to stumble across them.

“In Vietnam, P&G Woos Hearts, Minds, and Schools”

12/07/2012

Aside from the title of this 5 July Bloomberg Businessweek article, an unfortunate play on what has been described as a “short-lived campaign by the United States military during the Vietnam War intended to win the popular support of the Vietnamese people,” I always have mixed feelings when I read about this type of project.  While it’s great that a new kindergarten was built with 80% of the funding coming from money raised by Procter & Gamble (P&G) employees, one of my fears is that political propaganda will be replaced by corporate propaganda.  The school has classrooms with slogans such as “Gillette Be Your Best,” “Pampers Golden Sleep,” and “Pantene Shine.”  What’s next?  Texbooks with P&G advertisements, daily announcements about P&G products, P&G-sponsored exams? 

Courtesy of Bloomberg Businessweek.

As one of the analysts quoted in the article put it, “They have to do this propaganda-esque process to eventually have a consumer who wants to buy their products.  It’s a time-tested tool that companies use.”  Iwasn’t born yesterday so I understand that there are always strings attached when corporations make donations to the public or non-profit sector but I’m concerned about the influence of the private sector on the public sector and the rise of school-industry propaganda.  In a poor country like Vietnam it’s easy to buy influence.  While consumers are much more sophisticated now than they were five (5) or 10 years ago, it’s still a bit like taking candy from a baby.  I’d prefer that companies like P&G stay out of schools and promote their products the old-fashioned way.  My hope, unrealistic as it is in a situation that involves money and other goodies, is that the government will find a way to prevent companies, domestic or multinational, from taking the path of least resistance in promoting their products and services. 

This is my favorite part of the article:

That evening, in a driving rain, a few hundred villagers gather under a tent in the courtyard of the kindergarten to watch students and teachers perform dances and songs. P&G’s Henretta (Deb Henretta, group president of P&G’s Asia business) is among those invited onto a makeshift stage to talk about the company. As she holds up products from its Tide, Downy, Rejoice, Gillette, Safeguard, and Oral-B brands, Henretta asks the audience to clap if they recognize them. Meanwhile, some of the P&G volunteers mime washing their clothes or hair to make sure everyone understands their use.

The evening ends with everyone hopping through a row of parallel bamboo poles in a traditional dance, as P&G’s volunteers shout a refrain from a song, “Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh! Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh!”

I love the imagery and the symbolism. P&G and Uncle Ho working hand-in-hand!

MAA

P.S.:  If you know Asia, you know that “white is beautiful,” which is why P&G is “betting on the appetite in Vietnam for premium brands—such as its Olay skin whiteners…”  The irony is that a lot of white women spend hours in the sun and in tanning salons in order to have the skin color that a lot of Vietnamese women have naturally.

International Student Mobility Research Report

24/03/2012

“…the road ahead for most U.S. institutions of higher education will not be smooth as many institutions grapple with challenges in meeting recruitment goals with limited time and tight budgets.”

This report, recently released by World Education Services, provides some useful information about enrollment trends among international students.  One of the key points is that While China and India are still too big to ignore, there are other emerging countries worth paying attention to, including Saudi Arabia, Vietnam (my bold), Mexico, and Brazil. Recruitment to these countries should also be cultivated not only for campus diversity purposes, but also as a de-risking strategy.

 The report also notes that…

Enrollment growth at the Bachelor’s level is set to outstrip growth at the Master’s and Doctoral levels. Since international students studying at the Bachelor’s level are typically funded by their families, as opposed to financial aid, and provide a longer stream of revenue (four years) versus Master’s programs (two years), some public institutions are viewing this trend as a solution to current fiscal challenges.

Growth in international student enrollment is not restricted to large states like California and New York; non-traditional destinations, including Montana, Oregon and Colorado, are also witnessing significant growth due to more aggressive institutional outreach efforts and state policy reforms that allow for the enrollment of more international students in public institutions.

Undergraduate enrollment among US-bound Vietnamese students increased from about two-thirds to three-quarters in the 2010/11 academic year.  60% of those were enrolled at a community college, the first step in the 2+2 equation (i.e., transfer to a four-year school to complete the bachelor’s degree). 

While California, Texas and Washington play host to over half of all Vietnamese students, there are also significant numbers headed to other non-traditional destinations such as West Virginia.  In an increasingly competitive market and growing but still limited numbers of students, “aggressive institutional outreach efforts” and a long-term strategy are essential to creating pipelines of Vietnamese students to more schools. 

You can download the entire report here.

Talking Nationalism, Patriotism and Global Citizenship with US Students in Vietnam

16/03/2012

Last month, I was invited by a colleague from Augustana College (Illinois) to meet with a group of her students who were in Vietnam on a short-term study abroad program.  The students had spent five weeks at Augustana, followed by another five weeks in southern, central and northern Vietnam.  The website describes the program as follows:  Vietnam is an exciting destination for a U.S. college student. This international learning community draws upon multiple disciplines – political science, literature, economics, business, and history among them – offering students a rich interdisciplinary context in which to study Vietnam.

One of the assigned readings was a co-authored book chapter of mine entitled “Developing Globally Competent Citizens: The Contrasting Cases of the United States and Vietnam” (with Duong Thi Hoanh Oanh) that appeared in The SAGE Handbook of Intercultural Competence (2009).  Frankly, I was surprised and delighted to learn that undergraduates were reading this chapter in a book that is probably read mostly by graduate students and academics.  Here’s a brief description:   

The aim of this chapter is to consider global citizenship and intercultural competence, widely debated and often overlapping concepts, against the backdrop of nationalism and patriotism, “isms” that are rarely discussed in the same context. Yet they are the proverbial elephant in the room, towering issues that profoundly influence the methods and means by which global citizenship and intercultural competence are transformed from theory to practice.

This chapter explores ways in which global citizenship and intercultural competence complement and conflict with the national identity of two diametrically contrasting cultures—the United States of America and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. What U.S. Americans and Vietnamese share, according to anecdotal evidence, the binational experience of both authors, and the results of World Values Surveys, is a deep national pride. Yet as we shall see, this national pride is radically different qualitatively for reasons that are rooted in history. Thus, we examine barriers in both cultures that may inhibit the development of globally competent citizens, as well as factors that may smooth the way.

What are the implications of global citizenship in an interconnected world in which nationalism is still very much a force to be reckoned with? To what extent is global citizenship problematic in countries in which nationalism in its more virulent incarnation forms the mind-set of the majority of citizens? We posit that the path to becoming a global or globally competent citizen may be strewn with more obstacles in some societies than in others as a result of potent historical and cultural forces that have shaped national identity and the dominant ideology, the psychic glue that holds societies together.

Differences Between Patriotism and Nationalism

According to a standard dictionary definition, the distinction between patriotism and nationalism is clear. Patriotism is defined simply as “love for or devotion to one’s country.” This is generally thought of as a benign, sentimental, and inward-looking form of national pride. As such, it does not exclude an openness to and even embrace of other cultures, their values, and the concerns and needs of their members.

In a 2003 essay titled A Kinder, Gentler Patriotism, (the late) U.S. historian Howard Zinn speaks of the need to redefine patriotism and notes that “if national boundaries should not be obstacles to trade—we call it globalization—should they also not be obstacles to compassion and generosity? Should we not begin to consider all children, everywhere, as our own? In that case, war, which in our time is always an assault on children, would be unacceptable as a solution to the problems of the world. Human ingenuity would have to search for other ways.” Patriotism, as defined above, does not preclude the globalization of compassion and generosity.

In contrast, nationalism is described as loyalty and devotion to a nation; especially a sense of national consciousness exalting one nation above all others and placing primary emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations or supranational groups. It is the second italicized part that distinguishes nationalism from its less strident and bellicose cousin, patriotism. Exaltation of one nation over another automatically assumes a degree of cultural superiority, a lack of openness and objectivity, and the assumption that “others” wish to be like us and, by extension, the desire to mold them in our image (i.e., missionary nationalism).

Discussion

Most of our discussion in the engaging 1.5 hours that I spent with them and their professors on a rainy February morning in Hanoi revolved around these concepts as they apply to both countries and how to create globally aware and competent citizens, especially given the fact that most young people do not have the opportunity to study overseas.  (Study abroad is no guarantee that this transformation will occur.)  The students asked a range of thoughtful and thought-provoking questions. 

Nationalism is a type of ideology, defined as “a: a systematic body of concepts especially about human life or culture; b: a manner or the content of thinking characteristic of an individual, group, or culture.”  Irrational and rooted in emotion, it consists of seemingly unchallengeable and commonsensical assumptions, “eternal truths,” believing in something that does not exist or does not reflect reality and empirical facts.  To question the precepts that form that basis of US nationalism, or any nationalism for that matter, is to challenge a very potent ideology, a black/white world view that resists contradictory facts and conflicting views that could begin to dissolve this psychic glue.  In this respect it represents a formidable obstacle to the development of global competence and citizenship.

While I’m well aware that these students are certainly not representative of most US Americans in terms of social class (tuition, fees, housing and meals for the 2012-2013 academic year at Augustana are $43,398), education and world view, I was encouraged by the thought and reflection that many had invested in these important issues. 

As a side note, I noticed that most were women, a trend described in this 19 February 2012 Chronicle article entitled In Study Abroad, Men Are Hard to Find

As a bonus, check out this 19 February 2012 essay entitled The American Century Is Over—Good Riddance by Prof. Andrew Bacevich, who has written extensively about the notion of American exceptionalism and the origins and effects of US nationalism. 

MAA


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 63 other followers